1. The Balkans in a split with the EU

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GEOMETR.IT  intellinews.com

 

* Almost 30 years after the fall of Communism and despite their ambitions of Euro-Atlantic integration, many Southeast European countries have failed to establish political pluralism and are dominated by single parties and their leaders.

This is mostly because of the tools successfully employed by the ruling parties, but the opposition has to bear its share of the responsibility as the numerous small parties seem incapable of setting aside their personal ambitions and working together to beat the status quo.

Montenegro, which is holding presidential elections on April 15, is the most acute example of a hopeless opposition as politics in the tiny country have been dominated by one man, the veteran politician Milo Djukanovic, and his ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) for nearly 30 years.

There is little doubt that Djukanovic will win the upcoming election, putting him back in the presidency for the second time on top of his four terms as prime minister, even though for the first time in Montenegro’s history of independence almost all the opposition parties have decided to back a single candidate, Mladen Bojanic.

However, this move came too late as opposition parties fought for their own interests for most of the past year, and do not seem united by anything other than the hope of finally ousting Djukanovic. “[T]he opposition is divided between those who are still angry about the Nato bombings of 1999 and are pro-Russian, and parties which oppose Djukanovic but not the West,” Michael Taylor senior analyst for Eastern Europe at Oxford Analytica, tells bne IntelliNews.

Djukanovic, on the other hand, is the West’s man. Since the beginning of his political career he has made Montenegro’s Euro-Atlantic integration his top political priority.

Boutique formations

In many cases newcomers on Southeast Europe’s political stage seem opportunistic and not driven by any particular ideology or beliefs. There are some exceptions with good potential, but even they can hardly beat the status quo due to lack of infrastructure and influence.

“[Big] parties have built the support infrastructure. They have offices across the country, which a lot of the new movements don’t have, they tend to be just based in the capital or larger cities … They have the potential, but they don’t necessarily have the support infrastructure,” Cvete Koneska of Control Risks tells bne IntelliNews.

In Bulgaria, for example, former justice minister Hristo Ivanov set up the Yes Bulgaria party prior to the March 2017 general election, claiming that it can fight corruption and break the status quo.

The party easily grabbed the support of younger people who protested in Sofia in the summer and autumn of 2013, angered by the parliament’s decision to appoint controversial businessman Delyan Peevski as head of the state security agency.

However, this was not enough for the new party to secure seats in the parliament, and it is now trying to unite several small opposition parties, hoping to gather more voters.

Yes Bulgaria is typical of new opposition parties in the region, which are located in big cities and are betting on ideas that cannot beat the populistic appeals of the much stronger and more experienced ruling parties.

“[P]ro-reform, anti-corruption parties are strong in the capital but not in the countryside, where parties can establish a client-patron relationship with voters. In Bulgaria, the pro-reform vote is small, as the fate of the Reformist Bloc (a disparate alliance of several parties) shows,” Taylor says.

Koneska agrees and says that the “social media give the impression that the new parties have a stable network, but in practice their reach is very superficial compared to the more complex apparatus the more established parties have — with local branches, with local media, with the administration, with businesses and so on, which makes them much more permanent and more difficult to dislodge”.

Feeding the status quo

Ruling parties are also very successful in presenting themselves as the least worst alternative and, as Petar Cholakov, chief assistant at the Social Control, Deviation and Conflicts department at the Sofia-based Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge, says, “The apathy of voters feeds the status quo.”

Most Southeast European parties in power use tactics summed up in Florian Bieber’s “Ten rules by a 21st-century Machiavelli for the Balkan Prince”. Tactics outlined by Bieber, professor of Southeast European Studies and director of the Centre for Southeast European Studies at the University of Graz, include controlling elections before election day, controlling the majority of the media, talking about the fight against corruption without taking any serious steps, a lack of ideology and unfulfilled promises for change in people’s lives.

Bulgaria differs somewhat from its neighbours in the Western Balkans as it has three main parties dominating the political life.

Yet in other ways it is similar: all three parties — Citizens for the European Development of Bulgaria (Gerb) which is currently in power, the Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) — have all been accepted as part of the status quo by both voters and political analysts.

Attempts by new, fresh faces like those behind Yes Bulgaria to break the establishment seem doomed to fail as they come up against the powerful ruling elite.

“On one hand, new formations with such claims [to beat the status quo] appear. On the other hand, the party system’s crisis, the lack of success of the current players to mobilise a significant part of the voters shows that there is a potential for new political forces … to play the role of an alternative,” Cholakov tells bne IntelliNews.

However, he adds that the country could again witness a project arising from “unparalleled, unstoppable by anything political populism”, which would not change the status quo, instead blending with it and serving its needs. “The fate of such projects is to be like fireworks – they shine brightly and effectively on the political sky for a short time and without changing anything,” Cholakov says.

Pressing the wrong buttons

Another problem for newly established opposition parties in SEE is that most are personality-dominated rather than focused on ideas, and they often lose credibility as their leaders seem driven by one main goal — to personally benefit from gaining power. This has been the situation with parties from the Reformist Bloc in Bulgaria to Bosnia’s Social Democrats (SDP).

“The Reformist Bloc was seduced and destroyed by [Bulgaria’s Prime Minister Boyko] Borissov, but with the active participation of its leaders. Some of them directly agreed to get on board — to participate in power, others hesitated and did not take clear, firm positions regarding GERB,” Cholakov says.

In Bosnia & Herzegovina and in Serbia, opposition parties also seem unable to go beyond the personal ambitions of their leaders or press the right buttons for voters.

Torn by political conflicts, Bosnia has been dominated by ethnic parties after the Social Democrats (SDP) failed to establish themselves as a reliable multiethnic alternative.

“In the 2010 elections, the SDP, which was the successor party to the League of Communists in Yugoslavia, was the strongest party, but four years later lost more than 80% of its voters thanks to leadership and policies that were perceived as egocentric, corrupt and arrogant, garnering just 6.7% of the vote across [Bosnia],” Taylor says.

In neighbouring Serbia, the opposition Democratic Party (DS) also seems to be insufficiently nationalistic. “Although DS has suffered splits (notably when former President [Boris] Tadic left to form a new party), its main problem is that it is regarded by many Serbs as insufficiently patriotic as regards Kosovo,” Taylor added.

The DS suffered a humiliating defeat in the Belgrade municipal elections in March, failing for the first time in its history to pass the 5% threshold to take seats in the city assembly. Meanwhile, President Aleksandar Vucic’s SNS scored a convincing victory, helped by the fragmented opposition. It was a similar story in the 2017 presidential election when Vucic took an easy first round victory as the opposition vote was split between a couple of leading candidates.

* The publication is not an editorial. It reflects solely the point of view and argumentation of the author. The publication is presented in the presentation. Start in the previous issue. The original is available at: intellinews.com

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6 Comments

  1. In Bulgaria, the pro-reform vote is small, as the fate of the Reformist Bloc (a disparate alliance of several parties) shows,” Taylor says.

  2. Und noch ein Ergebnis dieser Umfrage ist für die Bürgermeis terinnen und Bürgermeister sehr erfreulich: 89 Prozent der Bevölkerung ab 16 Jahren sagen, dass die Bürgermeister und die Gemeindepolitik sehr gute bzw. gute Arbeit leisten. Dieser Werthat sich innerhalb eines Jahres um fünf Prozent erhöht und wird wiederum bei der Gruppe der 16- bis 29-Jährigen mit 91 Prozent Zustimmung überschritten. Das ist ein Zeugnis, von dem sowohl die Landes- als auch die Bundespolitik nur träumen kann. Es ist auch der Lohn für die großartige Arbeit, die von den Gemeindemandataren geleistet wird.

  3. Parties and candidates are also political actors that have the potential to be a negative force in the election cycle. The illegal practices of vote-buying or illegitimate party finance, the proliferation of defamation and hate speech in campaigns, voter intimidation by party workers, corruption in election-related decision-making, and the systematic exclusion of certain sectors of society constitute examples of where political parties threaten the functioning of democratic systems rather than support it. Laws and regulations regarding campaigning, funding, and functioning of political parties are developed to minimize the potential disruptive influence of political parties while still allowing them enough freedom to contest elections.

  4. External regulations relating to parties and candidates is a section focusing on laws and regulations on, for example, party finance, registration of political parties, and legislated quotas.

  5. The influence of campaigning is not necessarily greater than other factors that make compromises more difficult, such as increased polarization and the immense influence of money in democratic politics. But the mindset associated with campaigning deserves greater attention than it has received because, first, it reinforces all the other factors

  6. These two historic efforts vividly underscore how difficult it is to achieve compromise on comprehensive reform on major issues in the U.S. political system.

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