GOODBYE Merkelism

in DE · Germany 2018 · Merkel 2018 · Nation 2018 · Person 2018 · Politics 2018 · Skepticism 2018 94 views / 6 comments
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* German Chancellor Angela Merkel announced she will step down in 2021. How will Europe, and Germany, cope without her?

The Merkel era has been characterised by a deep yearning for stability. Yet her tenure has led to Germany’s current period of instability. It is time to move on from Merkelism.

Power? Politicians in Germany don’t seem to want it. The Free Democrats (FDP) already ran away from it and the Social Democrats (SPD) have been fussing over it for weeks. What’s wrong with these politicians? Isn’t power supposed to be the ultimate aphrodisiac?

  • People used to say birds fly strangely before natural disasters such as earthquakes or volcanic eruptions. The same seems to apply to some politicians. They sense something is about to happen, something big: the end of the Merkel era. As a result, they are behaving differently from usual.
  • It may still be a while before Angela Merkel cedes power, but it’s clear we’ve entered the late phase of Merkelism. This form of governance has been dominant in Germany for the past 12 years. It places consensus, quiet and stability above all else. That’s why the leaders of Merkelism do all they can to avoid disputes and appease the voter.

Angela Merkel’s fundamental consensus politics came to an end with the 2015 refugee crisis, a conflict that divided her Christian Democrats party, alienated her coalition partners and landed the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany party in parliament. HANNIBAL HANSCHKE

Merkelism’s natural habitat is the political centre, where the desire for societal consensus is greatest precisely because the centre believes it is the embodiment of consensus. No attention is paid to the political periphery. Backbone is optional and political policies are fluid, and can even be borrowed from political opponents.

End of consensus

Germany, to be sure, has profited from Merkelism. The country skated elegantly through the global financial crisis and the economy prospered. Nonetheless, Merkel was never able to bring herself to undertake major reforms because, doing so, would have riled people up and put an end to the stifling quiet. Unfortunately, democracy has also decayed a bit because strife is its lifeblood, the competition between different positions. The darkest symptom of this type of governance was the desire for lower voter turnout because Merkel’s party, the conservative Christian Democrats (CDU), was thought to profit from it.

Now Merkelism is in a state of crisis because two important prerequisites are no longer being filled. For one, it requires a societal climate in which broad consensus is possible. And, by its very nature, it also requires that Merkel be strong.

  • For many years, a fundamental consensus held in Germany. Merkel’s concept of sedation worked by and large, and not even the greatest crisis of her time, the global financial crisis, could divide the country.
  • But that peace finally came to an end due to the 2015 refugee crisis, a conflict that landed the right-wing populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in parliament, divided Merkel’s Christian Democrats, distanced the Free Democrats from the Greens and drove a wedge between the centre-left Social Democrats and parts of the conservatives.
  • That divide now runs right through the political centre and a broad periphery has emerged on the right with which no consensus is possible.

Fallout from the refugee stand

Indeed, the great irony of our time is that Merkelism slid into crisis because it violated its own principles. The chancellor actually dared to take a stand on the refugee issue and it unsettled part of the country.

An election campaign poster of the German nationalist anti-migrant party Alternative for Germany reads: “Burkas? We like bikinis.” AP

This led to a poor showing in elections for Merkel’s Christian Democrats and Merkel’s authority has suffered as a result. People have become aware that she is only likely to govern for another two or three years. This has emboldened her potential successors. Jens Spahn of the CDU is openly challenging the chancellor by criticising her refugee policies and vociferously questioning her desire to form a government with the centre-left Social Democrats.

The SPD and the FDP are now distancing themselves from her. Both parties have learnt from experience that Merkelism also lives by sucking up the energy of others. Each of them saw voter support plummet after governing together with Merkel in past coalitions. It’s the post-Merkel era that now consumes their thoughts. And they want to ensure they are in the best possible position when that time comes.

The end is nigh

The latter phase of any era tends to see a shift in attention toward the future. And that is bad for the present. Germany is suffering from the lack of a stable government, both domestically and abroad. The conservatives, the SPD and the FDP are all lacking direction. The birds are flying strangely.

Meanwhile, Merkelism lies in ruins. The aim of Merkelism had been to calm the country, but its refugee policies, and the ensuing loss of control, triggered agitation instead. It sought stability at almost any price, but it has pushed the country into one of its most unstable periods. The biggest problem with Merkelism, though, has recently emerged as Merkel herself. She has now become associated with an end, not with a new beginning.

Whether Germany ends up with a repeat of its current coalition or a minority government, much of the focus will remain on the end of the Merkel era. And the instability this will create – this combination of political paralysis with power struggle – will be prolonged for years.

But is it necessary? If Merkel is so attached to stability, then she should be able to see that the country won’t benefit at all if she reaches or exceeds Helmut Kohl’s record of 16 years in office. Merkel, too, should begin to imagine the future of politics in Germany: a future without Merkel.

The publication is not an editorial. It reflects solely the point of view and argumentation of the author. The publication is presented in the presentation. Start in the previous issue. The original is available at:   CGTN



  1. The chancellor said she would step down as leader of her conservative party in December and would not seek re-election in 2021. That means Ms. Merkel may remain on the political scene for months to come. But few observers believe she could hang on until the end of her term, speculating that new elections could be held as early as next year.

  2. Speculation had grown for months about Ms. Merkel’s eventual exit from the political stage, so the announcement was no surprise, but it still came as a shock. It underscored the new fragility of German politics and the great uncertainty for a Europe without Ms. Merkel at the helm.

  3. The chancellor already had watched her power drain away for a year, ever since inconclusive national elections that left her trying to hold together the same tired and unwieldy governing coalition, as a far-right party entered Parliament for the first time to become the leading voice of the opposition.

  4. Inside the European Union, Ms. Merkel’s liberal version of conservatism helped serve as a bulwark against the nationalist push from other conservative leaders in countries like Hungary and Poland.

  5. The fact that voters are leaving the two traditional mainstream parties for both ends of the political spectrum suggests that voters are dissatisfied with their attempts to straddle the main political dividing lines

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