In the “Transnistria- nization”

in Conflicts 2018 · Danube 2018 · EN · History 2018 · Moldova 2018 · Nation 2018 · Politics 2018 · Skepticism 2018 · The Best 207 views / 4 comments
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* A Transnistrian conflict solution along with “improved” economic-commercial relations 


July 11, appointing Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Kozak his “Representative for the development of commercial-economic relations with the Republic of Moldova” (, July 12).

  • The Kremlin’s new representative to Moldova is known, in part, for having promoted, in 2003, the “Kozak plan” for resolving the Transnistrian conflict, which would have effectively resulted in the “Transnistrianization” of Moldova through a federalization model.
  • of Moldova through a federalization model.
  • The plan was rejected by Chisinau, reportedly under pressure from the United States and the European Union. The Kozak plan would have equipped the Russian proxies in Tiraspol with the ability to block Moldovan domestic and foreign policies, including on EU integration. It would have also allowed for the stationing of the Russian military base on Moldovan soil (in Transnistria) for the next 30 years.

The suggested reason is that Moldova’s relations with Europe have deteriorated on account of the recent invalidation of mayoral elections in Chisinau, which triggered the freezing of the EU’s macro-financial assistance to the Eastern European country (see EDM, June 27; Nezavisimaya Gazeta, July 16).

Another apparent reason, though one less publicly discussed, is that the Democratic Party of Moldova (DPM), led by the oligarch and strongman Vlad Plahotniuc, who de facto controls the parliament and the government, needs a good success story to sell to the electorate to compensate for this fissure with the EU. Conveniently, Moscow looks ready to “offer,” though on its own terms, a Transnistrian conflict solution along with “improved” economic-commercial relations (Kommersant, July 13).

Polls show that Plahotniuc’s DPM is likely to secure only a handful of seats in the next parliament, assuming it allows free and fair elections in the fall (, March 2018). Thus, if Plahotniuc and his inner circle wish to be able to preserve the current division of the pie in the Moldovan economy, Russian support during the elections will be crucial. The Russian leadership can promise both, and then use this Russian-Moldovan rapprochement and deeper involvement in the Transnistria resolution process to further penetrate the country’s state institutions, taking control of the parliament, government and law enforcement, thus turning Moldova into a Russian satellite state.


In a recent OSCE meeting in Vienna, the Russian Permanent Representative to the organization, Alexander Lukashevich, praised the agreements reached during this past May’s “5+2” talks, held in Rome (, May 30).

These included largely unilateral concessions made by the Moldovan government that, in effect, strengthened the negotiating positions of the Russia-backed secessionist leadership in Tiraspol, even offering it elements of sovereignty. The concessions bolstering the sovereign claims of the Russian proxy in Transnistria include allowing Transnistrians to drive on international roads in cars with license plates that lack the Moldovan flag, accepting the apostilization of diplomas issued in the region for academic programs that had not been preapproved in Moldova, and ceasing potentially all criminal cases that Chisinau has initiated against Transnistrian officials or their relatives.

In a burst of populist diplomacy, Russian Permanent Representative to the OSCE, Alexander Lukashevich, referred to these concessions as “solving current social problems of the local population” (, July 13), though in fact they do no such thing.

  • The population has long ago developed and lived with improvised solutions to the problems the Rome accords ostensibly address. Rather, the concessions negotiated in May help to preserve the Russian proxy government in Transnistria.
  • Moreover, the Rome agreement represents an element of the small-steps strategy used by Moscow over the years to carve a de facto confederative status for its proxy regime in Tiraspol.
  • Notably, Ambassador Michael Scanlan, who heads the OSCE Mission to Moldova, used similar language during the press conference in Rome, asserting that Chisinau’s concessions were “for the benefit of the population on both sides of the Nistru [River]” (md, May 30).  In effect, Moscow has been directing Western efforts only toward addressing the economic and social baskets of the Transnistrian negotiations agenda, thus compensating for its own diminished financial assistance to Transnistria and helping to keep this breakaway territory afloat.


The OSCE Mission to Moldova has thus adopted and operationalized the Mission’s leadership explored populist diplomacy and euphemistic parlance to convince Washington and Brussels to pressure the Moldovan government.

As noted above, these concessions will result in increased economic independence of the leadership in Transnistria, making it less costly for Russia to maintain it. It will also provide the region with elements of sovereignty  to impose on Moldova a federalization model.

The nomination of Dmitry Kozak to implement the Transnistrian portfolio on behalf of President Putin indicated that Russia sees an opportunity to resurrect the issue of federalization in the Transnistrian negotiations agenda. Given the current political situation in Moldova and the vulnerability of its government to Russian pressure, such an arrangement, if implemented. Meanwhile, the Russian military base that Kozak secured in his 2003 plan for Moldova—if Chisinau is forced this time around to approve it—would allow the Russian Federation to disrupt the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO).


The publication is not an editorial. It reflects solely the point of view and argumentation of the author. The publication is presented in the presentation. Start in the previous issue. The original is available at:




  1. Today, Transnistria has about 500.000 inhabitants. The region belongs to Moldova by international law and has a weak economy, and it survives thanks to the presence of Russian troops stationed there and financial aid from Moscow.

  2. Much has happened since: the meeting in Rottach-Egern is the second in Germany in a year. In September 2011, leading politicians from Moldova and Transnistria met in Bad Reichenhall. After a six year break, the so-called “5+2” talks have also been revived, including Moldova, Transnistria, Ukraine, Russia and the OSCE

  3. It could, for example, withdraw its weapons from Transnistria. But that doesn’t mean there isn’t still a long way to go before a solution to the conflict is achieved.

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