Summit in Warsaw or don`t play with fire-1

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GEOMETR.IT    neweasterneurope.eu

As the Warsaw NATO Summit approaches, the contested notion of Georgia’s membership in NATO does not seem to be receiving much support. However, within the context of current debates on the future of the alliance, it is crucial to discuss how the case of Georgia impacts the alliance, the European integration, as well as the question of who we are and what we represent.

The FYROM lesson

Over two decades after the collapse of communism, the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the break-up of Yugoslavia, the idea that liberal change is possible and that peoples’ lives can be greatly improved by democratisation, economic liberalisation and guarantees of peace falls short on delivery today.

The examples of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary prove that establishing firm external institutional anchors can, on the one hand, define and consolidate the direction of the reform process and, on the other, facilitate social mobilisation and the support necessary for that reform process to be successful.

The same institutional anchors, however, are currently being denied to others, including Georgia.

Certainly, the institutionalisation of external relations is a two-way street and the promise of an anchor comes at the sweet price of compliance with certain norms, rules and values. Practice shows that political stability in countries that have to re-establish their statehood or build their claims to statehood from scratch is not to be taken for granted.

The example of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) is a case in point. Having avoided civil war in 2001, in itself an underrated and underreported story in today’s accounts of European history, and having failed to receive an invitation to join NATO in 1998, FYROM has become a victim of reform backsliding and political drifting.

Georgia, however, is not FYROM. In fact  in several respects the country has successfully implemented governance standards above those that constitute the norm in several EU members, e.g. transparent and efficient public administration, e-government and cyber-security standards.

The country has been largely successful in modernising its economy, society and politics and hence has rebuilt its image as a vibrant country and important partner of the trans-Atlantic community.

However, the weight of external pressures and their impact on Georgia’s domestic political developments should not be underestimated. If there is a lesson to be learned from FYROM’s case, it is time to learn it today.

NATO and Georgia’s membership

There are two ways of looking at the issue of Georgia’s NATO membership. On the one hand, similarly to Poland’s case and that of the Baltic countries, the key argument, even if at times only implicit, is the fear of Russia.

Here, the narrative goes, a possible admission of Georgia into NATO would cause unnecessary tensions between Russia and the Alliance. Indeed, what happened in 2008 was arguably a direct result of the provisional promise of Georgia’s NATO membership. However, this argument is not without problems, as the construction of NATO bases in Poland and Romania would do just that – antagonise Russia; yet the plan is under way.

History may not be going in circles, yet we can still learn from it as well as from our prior actions, mistakes included.

In 1992, Russia opposed eastward NATO expansion and the invitation of countries such as Poland and the Czech Republic to join the alliance invoking arguments of spheres of influence.

In 1994, Russia opposed Lithuania’s request to join NATO, arguing that extending the alliance so close to its borders could destabilise the entire region.

These arguments are as frequently employed in today’s Russia as they were 20 years ago, with the only difference being that today nostalgia for the USSR, the resurgence of Stalin’s cult and overall fierce reactive conservatism have been more skilfully exploited to support Putin’s policies.

Another difference is that back then, in response to Russia’s objections in all cases, an implicit “back off” resounded, with a particular role played by Bill Clinton, Manfred Wörner, Aleksander Kwaśniewski and Lech Wałęsa.

What happened next is history, as Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic joined NATO in 1999 and the Baltic countries followed suit in 2004. Retrospectively, the interesting question is what would have happened if the West had had its moment of doubt at that time. Georgia is not Poland, Hungary or the Czech Republic and, after all, may also be less lucky.

If the atmosphere surrounding the NATO Warsaw summit is reminiscent of the spirit of the days back in the 1990s, the stakes – due to the annexation of Crimea and the political paralysis of the EU – seem to be higher today than they were back then. The question remains if anyone decides to support Georgia’s and others’ NATO aspirations.


Anna Visvizi
, Ph.D., is the Head of Research at the Institute of East-Central Europe (IESW) and assistant professor at DEREE-The American College of Greece.

http://www.neweasterneurope.eu

GEOMETR.IT

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Завтра была война. Б.Васильев. Отрывок

Россия. Духовная безопасность. Послевоенные годы

План Жукова от 15 мая 1941 года

2.Почему чехи не воевали с немцами, но вышли победителями.1938

О дате начала Второй мировой. Ответ газете Die Welt

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5 Comments

  1. Since its creation in 1949, NATO has been an aggressive military arm of imperialism. It is the largest and most dangerous military organization in the world, deeply interconnected with the foreign and economic policies of both the United States and the European Union.

  2. When it comes to deterrence and collective defence this is NATO’s core responsibility. This is about providing credible deterrence so any adversary knows that an attack on any NATO Ally will trigger the full response from the whole Alliance. And strong defence and strong deterrence is something we think is very important, not because we want to provoke a war but because we want to prevent a war. Strong deterrence, strong defence is the best way to avoid a war because we are sending a very clear signal that we are able to defend all Allies against any potential threat.

  3. Under the banners of the “Committee for the Defense of Democracy,” Polish citizens flooded the streets of major cities in the aftermath of each of these developments. The European Commission launched an unprecedented “dialogue” with Poland over the rule-of-law situation in the country.

  4. There are in a way two main themes which will be the main challenges and the main focus of the summit. When it comes to deterrence and collective defense this is NATO’s core responsibility. This is about providing credible deterrence so any adversary knows that an attack on any NATO ally will trigger the full response from the whole Alliance

  5. Under the banners of the “Committee for the Defense of Democracy,” Polish citizens flooded the streets of major cities in the aftermath of each of these developments. The European Commission launched an unprecedented “dialogue” with Poland over the rule-of-law situation in the country.

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